2014 PLP Elections

The PLP’s Constitutional Carnival of Democracy

As Bernews reported earlier today, this year is an election year for the PLP as per their constitution.

At this years Annual Delegates Conference, scheduled for October 23rd, all positions of the Party Executive will be up for election.

I understand that the positions (see Article V of the PLP constitution [PDF]) open to election this year are:

• Party Leader
• Deputy Leader
• Chairman
• Deputy Chairman 
• Secretary General
• Assistant Secretary General
• Membership Secretary
• Organiser
• Three (3) Assistant Organisers
• Treasurer
• Assistant Treasurer
• Public Relations Officer

Now, while all of these positions are equally important to the party, with each providing a vital role, I think it’s likely that the ones that are going to capture the attention of both the general public and PLP members are going to be those of Party Leader, Deputy Leader, Chairman and, possibly, the Public Relations Officer.

At the moment the only known candidates, in a public sense, for any of these positions are that of Party Leader, where, according to the Bernews article cited above, the incumbent Marc Bean will be running along with Walton Brown.

I think we’re likely to see a third candidate for the Leadership as well, and also a couple candidates for the Deputy position.  Whether or not we’ll see a joint ticket ‘team’ or not, I’m not sure.

Strong Democratic Tradition

While I am no longer a member of the PLP, I have always been impressed by the PLP’s ability to have a healthy democratic conversation, through these elections, which has allowed them to consider alternative visions and directions for their party, without tearing themselves apart into factional ‘civil war’.

Despite how some outside of the PLP, especially their political opponents (be they UBP/OBA or simply anti-PLP) have sought to frame these contests, they are not the factional schisms that these opponents dream of.

For sure, passions can rise, and there are sometimes groups which may be described as factions, but in general the PLP is strengthened by these contests, not weakened.

Indeed, it helps allow any disagreements to be discussed openly and constructively, rather than letting them build up and be expressed in a negative, cloak and dagger manner, or, worse, through a schism or ‘palace coup’.

Now, of course, it doesn’t always work, as our history has shown, first with the PLP-NLP schism in the 1980s and, more recently, with the 2003 election night controversy.

Now, to what degree those two incidents stemmed from a failure of internal democracy, an ugly streak of misogyny, irreconciliable ideological differences, impatience or something else, well, I’ll leave that up for discussion.  Personally I think the main animating forces are a partial failure of internal democracy, some misogyny and impatience, in varying measures….

For the most part though, the contested nature of these elections is a strength of the PLP, and never a weakness, despite the desires of their opponents.

Contested Elections Strengthen Functional Unity

There should always be a contest for the leadership positions, and the PLP is stronger for having them.  They have a strong and proud democratic tradition which allows for competing visions to be articulated while retaining functional unity.

I am looking forward to the various candidates for these positions, and particularly those contesting for the leadership, putting forward their visions for the PLP and why they’re the best candidates for those positions.

I wish them all the best and encourage, especially the leadership contenders, to fully articulate their visions for progressive labour and what direction they intend to take the PLP.

Following their defeat, the PLP has been undergoing a period of internal reconstruction – being in Opposition serves as a catalyst for such evolution – and this leadership contest allows the wider party to gauge where they’re at and where they want to be, and how to get there.

I am confident that whoever emerges as the Leader of the PLP will act in a spirit of doing what’s best for the PLP and making full use of the talents available to them.  In other words, I’m sure there will not be any spiteful actions taken out against the loser, but rather a spirit of camaraderie and mutual interest.

Which way forward for the PLP?

As noted, I’m no longer a member of the PLP, but I am looking forward to looking in from outside while the PLP engages in their constitutionally mandated carnival of democracy.

It is this tendency of the PLP – the contestation of the Leadership – which helps tor recreate and rejuvenate this party.  It is a key source of their strength and unity, however paradoxical it may seem to those outside it.

Just as the regular contesting of parliamentary elections helps with our political evolution and development of new policies and visions for Bermuda, so does the internal elections of a party.  Having these positions contested is a mark of a healthy and vibrant organisation, while a de facto coronation is a symptom of a sterile and moribund organisation at risk of imploding under its own dead weight.

Dr. Barbara Ball – Bermuda’s Lady of Labour

It was with great sadness that I learned of Dr. Ball’s passing. She was one of the greatest Bermudians of our modern era, and her achievements and work are truly inspiring. There are plenty of articles now online detailing aspects of her life, and I hope that both the current generation and the next generations are able to learn more about this remarkable lady. If only a handful of people are inspired by her story, then our people will be in good hands for the future.

In short, Dr. Ball was born in the segregation era, and attended the (still) prestigious Bermuda High School for Girls, which at that time was the female equivalent (and still is really) for that great institution of the White oligarchy (and my alma mater) Saltus Grammar School. Needless to say, at that time both schools were exclusively White institutions. Dr. Ball eventually became the first Bermudian female doctor, and, on her return to Bermuda, gained fame (and notoriety) for opening a non-segregated medical practice. Possessing a strong sense of justice, and increasingly alienated from White Bermuda, she became ever more involved in both the anti-segregation movement and the labour movement. She became the General Secretary of the Bermuda Industrial Union, and in 1968 was elected to Parliament (for Pembroke East) as a member of the Progressive Labour Party, and was subsequently re-elected in 1972.

There is much, much more to talk about Dr. Ball, her achievements (such as in Judo!) and her contributions to fashioning modern Bermuda. It is not my intention however to write her biography here. Brother Ottiwell Simmons, who worked closely with Dr. Ball in the Labour movement, has already done a good deal of that with his book on her. Also, in the coming days, the various media will be contributing greatly to that effect.

What I want to do instead is talk about my own memories and reflections on Dr. Ball.

As perhaps the most prominent White Bermudian to be identified with the labour movement and the fight against segregation – and oligarchism in general – it is perhaps unsurprising that I found Dr. Ball as an inspiring role-model. By the time I was politically conscious however, Dr. Ball had long since retired from active involvement in the labour movement. Indeed, I did not knowingly meet her until around 2003, at which time age had already taken its toll on her. Nonetheless, and despite the various problems that beset her in her advanced age, in my conversations with her, at time assisted by her dedicated carer, she revealed a still sharp wit and keen interest in the struggle for social and economic justice.

I cannot say I met her as often as I would have liked, and it is always the case that when someone like Dr. Ball passes one realises the loss and wishes one had spent more time interacting with the person. In the few times I had the honour to speak with Dr. Ball we discussed some aspects of her life, the current situation of the PLP and Bermuda’s politics generally, and various aspects of Christian theology.

Dr. Ball was very much what I consider a ‘true’ Christian. She was a Christian socialist, an advocate of liberation theology, and introduced me to this school of thought, of which I was previously unaware. Although I myself am an atheist, I found her thoughts on Christian theology very inspiring and I continue to learn more and more about Christian socialism and liberation theology as a direct result of Dr. Ball.

I don’t think it is the time or the place to discuss her comments on the PLP post-1998. All I will say is that she was both immensely proud of the 1998 election and also quite able to critique certain tendencies that she saw within the Party. She did not, however, have any desire to make public her critiques, and, while I disagree with that approach (as I think constructive criticism is a key method to help reduce the degeneration of the movement), I can understand and respect her position.

I only once explicitly asked her for advice on Party tactics/strategy in relation to my own disillussionment with the Labour movement which I saw as having become removed from its founding principles of social and economic justice and resolute opposition to oligarchism. I cannot remember her exact words, but it went something like ‘The people; the people are the key. If the people are with you then nothing can stand against you. The people must decide what they want; you must go to the people and speak with them‘. I took her words as a resolute committment to the grassroots and a recognition that nothing can be done without the passive or active support of the people (either in the sense of the Party’s rank and file or the general citizenry).

In those words she was not passing any particular judgement, but she did, I think try to show me the way, an indication that the task should be consciousness raising and not top-down ‘leading’, and I have tried to put that idea into practice. In a small way this blog attempts to contribute to consciousness raising, although I am under no illussions as to the limitations of this form of media.

Dr. Ball was one of our greatest representatives in the struggle for social and economic justice. The struggle is far from won however, despite some superficial (yet important) victories. The struggle continues, and the baton is being passed from the old radicals to the new. Whether we shall see the likes of such a remarkable individual, or that great generation of radicals of whom there are too few left, is something I often wonder about. All I know is that we must continue the struggle, and that while Dr. Ball, and others of her great generation, are passing, we honour them in continuing the fight against injustice and oligarchy everywhere.

There are already some media articles and announcements concerning Dr. Ball, and I list some of them below:

The PLP has a short article/biography of her.

The Royal Gazette has a mention about Parliament observing her passing.

Bernews has a few posts up, including videos from the BIU.

2010 PLP Leadership Challenge

As most readers are aware, Dr. Brown publicly announced again last year that he would not seek the Leadership again in the 2010 ADC. His term as Leader was set to expire at this time anyway and he would have had to seek re-election had he wished to continue. He had made it known to the Party even before his public announcement that he only intended to serve one term, and despite the intrigue in some quarters that his decision is merely a ruse I am convinced that he will, indeed, not seek re-election. In fact, when he was elected in 2006 he said at that time that he only intended to serve the one term. I personally expect that he will resign as an MP shortly after the ADC and initiate a bye-election which he will not compete in. I expect him to continue to be a figure in Bermudian politics though, just as John Swan continues to, but for the most part he will cease to be a central figure. I imagine he is already planning his retirement plans and preparing his constituency for candidate selection.

I do expect Dr. Brown to focus on his legacy during the last nine months of his tenure. I expect his focus to be on trying to get gambling legislation worked out, although I do not think he has enough time to do so. I know that Cabinet recieved the gaming taskforce report in I believe October 2009, but little has been said since, and with the opposition to it within the Party membership and support base, I don’t think it is a battle he can win. He can however help clarify the issues, and we may see a green paper or something similar come out for now. He will also focus on getting some of the proposed hotel developments up and running, with the Par-la-Ville or St. Georges sites being the most likely contenders here. The continuing economic crisis is likely to be the largest obstacles here. While I oppose gambling for Bermuda, I don’t begrudge Dr. Brown’s attempts to revitalise tourism here. While I like the quiet life, I understand that from a tourism point of view Bermuda is being passed by as a tourism destination partly due to our percieved quietness. There remains large scope for improving our tourism package, of which entertainment is a key aspect.

There are many, both in the Party and the general public, who see Ms. Cox as the heir apparent as Party Leader/Premier. In fact the parrallels between Brown-Cox (Bda) and Blair-Brown (UK) in this context are eerie. While I quite like Ms. Cox and think she could be a fine Leader/Premier I am opposed to her coronation as successor to Dr. Brown. The Party could do with a frank and open discussion about its vision and direction, something that has been sorely lacking in the last two Leadership changes (although Scott-Brown did attempt this to an extent). Past leadership changes have been less about ideology/policy than egos, and the Party as a whole has suffered for it. There are few in the Party who have a clear idea about what the purpose of the Party is anymore, other than a vehicle for power and profit. In short, the vision of the Party is rather blurry right now, and this opens the door to opportunism and disaffection.

The Party faces no imminent threat from either opposition party at the moment. An open and frank discussion of vision and direction at this time does not risk any political challenges to the Party. On the contrary, should the Party demonstrate its ability to maturely discuss these matters openly it has the potential to recruit new members and even take support away from the opposition parties. And such a discussion, in more clearly defining the vision and direction of the PLP, would also help clarify the vision and direction of the opposition parties. Right now we have not-the-UBP (the PLP), the UBP-but-not-necessarily-the-old-UBP (the UBP) and the not-the-UBP-or-the-PLP-but-something-else-which-we-don’t-know-yet (the BDA). Inspiring choices, no?

It is in this light that I welcome the announcement by Mr. Butler that he is considering a leadership run for the 2010 ADC. He has also put forward the beginnings of a vision and direction for the Party. I personally would like to see him expand on this vision and his reasonings behind some of his comments. I understand that there are many within the parliamentary caucus and membership that have a lot of respect for Mr. Butler, both for his insight and diligence, but do not see him as a leader and are prepared to write him off before he even steps up to bat. That would be a mistake, and Mr. Butler should not be discouraged by any initial lukewarm support that he may recieve.

I believe it is in the interest of the Party – and Bermuda as a whole – to further develop his leadership challenge. He should continue to develop and articulate his vision for the Party and for Bermuda, both within the Party and without. He should continue canvassing the branches, even hold regional meetings, to take his message to the membership. He should also continue expanding his vision to the people of Bermuda as a whole, through the media and even through the internet, much like the Opposition Leader Kim Swan has. At the end of the day he may not gather enough support to win the Leadership, but the very discussion that his actions would cause will have a beneficial effect for the Party, and even in defeat he may realise some of his vision through their adoption by the victor. He may even find himself as Deputy Leader.

It would be ideal if other contenders for the Leadership were to similarly voice their intent and vision so that the Party can truly have a discussion of its future and allow for adequate consideration in advance of the vote itself. I would prefer it if the leadership challenge were to get off and running at least five months prior to the vote itself, as this would give the membership enough time to hear out the contenders and make their decisions. I am not sure how this would play out for current members of the Cabinet though. Should Ms. Cox indeed intend to challenge for the leadership, I would prefer her to make this clear by May, and I am not sure if she would be able to sit in Cabinet during this process. With the current economic problems it may not be beneficial for any upheaval within the Ministry of Finance right now. As Dr. Brown has made it clear that he does not intend to return as Leader however, I think Ms. Cox – and any other Cabinet members thinking about becoming Leader – should be okay in beginning a leadership challenge.

I believe the Party is mature enough to engage in such a campaign while continuing to run the country and not risk any political loss. And while I did support calling a snap-election in the aftermath of the UBP-BDA split, I don’t think the Party machinery was in place to do so at that time, and I think the opportunity has largely passed by now. I would expect the new Leader to settle into the position for a few months and then call a general election in order to have their own mandate to govern from the people. An extended leadership campaign, from May to October, with competing visions, could benefit the Party in this respect, energising its sense of purpose, and solidify its image within the populace.

Proposed Changes To The PLP Constitution

There was an article in the RG earlier in the week concerning some proposed changes to the constitution of the PLP, which included, according to the article, the reduction of branches from the current 36 to nine, the development of selection criteria for potential parliamentary candidates and mid-term assessments for sitting MPs. The article included statements from some PLPers that they feared the changes would lead to the reinforcement of power in the hands of Dr. Brown and his supporters.

Unfortunately the proposed changes are not available for public viewing, and as a result it seems that there are some unsubstantiated rumours concerning these proposals, lending credence to the alleged perception that these reforms are pro-Brownite. Walton Brown, in the article in question, has done his best to explain the proposals in his capacity as Chair of the PLP’s Constitutional Committee.

While the PLP (and the UBP too for that matter) has a general paranoid approach to openly discussing internal matters, along the idea that loose lips sink ships, it is my belief that the Party should be able to discuss these matters publicly without any risk to itself. Indeed, it could even benefit by having these proposals openly available online for the public to look at, showing that it has the collective maturity and willingness to do so. From what I know of the proposed amendments I see absolutely nothing in it that would damage the Party should they be made public (which they will anyway when the new constitution is made available online, should these amendments pass). Presenting them online and through the media could actually encourage greater discussion amongst members, leading to greater participation in the formal process itself. At the very least, making them public would reduce the risk rumours distorting the reality and leading credence to any perceptions of wrongdoing or gerrymandering.

What I will try and do here is expand on some of the points raised in the RG article and clarify some of the issues involved too.

The Constitution Committee

The RG article refers to these proposed amendments having been developed by the PLP Constitution Committee; I believe this actually refers to the Research & Platform Committee, which is a standing committee of the Central Committee. These committees are described under Clauses 7 and 8 (Central Committee & Duties of Standing Committees, respectively) of the PLP Constitution, of which Research & Platform is only one of eight currently existing constitutionally mandated committees. One of the duties of the Research & Platform Committee is to ‘ensure the revision and rewriting of the Constitution and Bye-Laws of the Party’ (see Clause 8, Section V, subsection C). The only involvement that Dr. Brown, as Party Leader, has over this committee is in formally appointing the committee Chairman and, in consultation with the Party Chairman, the various members of the committee (see Clause 7, Section III, subsections B and C).

Despite the formal role of the Party Leader in appointing members to the committee, in practice any member who wishes to serve on a committee may do so by simply requesting as such, the Party Leader in this capacity being merely a formality. The Leader has no further involvement in the work of the committees than that. As such it would be a mistake to believe that Dr. Brown has directed the direction or design of these proposed amendments. Whether the composition of the committee members would be described as pro-Brownite or not (which is really an artificial term, the Party is far more complicated than a simple dichotomy revolving around support or opposition to Dr. Brown), is a different question, but largely irrelevant. The committee does not exist to dictate to the Party but rather to put forward reccommendations to the Party, of which Delegates Conference is soveriegn and can reject, adopt or adapt the reccommendations as it sees fit.

Branch Reductions

The RG article states that one of the proposals is to reduce the total number of branches from the existing 36 to nine. Some PLP MPs have questioned whether this would lead to a centralisation of power within the Party and are suspicious of the motives behind it.

I’ve actually commented on the issue of branches before and the need to restructure them, either here or in other forums. When I first joined the Party in 1998 the Party had nine branches. Meetings, at least in my branch, were well attended, usually with at least fifty regular core members. Debate was lively and a sense of camaderie was well-developed. When the Party rightly set about correcting the historical anomalies that were Bermuda’s past constituency system, there was an apparent failure within the Party to anticipate the repercussions for the Party branches. The nine branches were divided up into 36 ones, corresponding with the new constituency system. This led to a number of problems, ranging from confusion about which branch one should attend, arranging meeting locations and dates, insufficient numbers to maintain functional branches and insufficient numbers of members with the experience to organise and chair branches. In short it was a logistical mess. When I returned from university I had difficulties even establishing whether a branch existed in my constituency, and when I did I found that it had only about three regular members.

Only a few branches remained sufficient masses, mainly in the East End and the West End extremities, and these branches began to influence the Party more than they really should have. Branch vitality was largely gone, and this led to a change from a lively grassroots bottom-up dynamic for the Party to a very top-heavy one. While before branches actively developed policies and resolutions that went upwards to Central Committee, now the branch system become mostly a means for dissemenating information down from the Central Committee. The Party had become centralised and a shell of its former self, with the parliamentary group, especially the Cabinet, now dominating the Party, without an effective grassroots branch counterweight.

Far from centralising power within the Party, to me, the return of the nine branch system has the power to help decentralise power and redevelop the branches as a lively and effective counterwieght to the parliamentary group who at times forget that they are supposed to represent the Party membership and not their own interests.

It is important to stress that even though there would only be nine branches, the individual constituencies would remain, and it is these individual constituencies that would elect their respective candidate. Presumably, in the event of their not being any active members within a constituency, then the branch could elect the candidate, but even the least PLP populated constituency there are sufficent numbers to reduce that possibility to nil. What the branches would enable though is greater mobilisation of resources, logistic wise, leading to more effective canvassing and growth throughout their range. Similarly, delegate numbers for Delegate Conventions would not be changed as a result of these proposed changed, they would still be calculated as they are now. But having one large branch, able to meet regularly, should help lead to more active membership throughout their range, leading to greater participation. And far from allowing for the party machinery to be abused, as it currently risks, this set-up should be more resistant to tampering.

In practice this system of four constituencies combining to form a large branch already occurs from time to time, especially concerning constituencies in UBP strongholds, or for regional meetings/rallies.

From what I have seen of the proposed change from 36 to nine branches, I am very much in favour of the change.

Mid-Term Assessments

This issue seemed to be more controversial one, at least judging by its inclusion in the headline and some comments by unnamed MPs. Despite that, this seems to be a case of confusion borne by rumours surrounding the proposals. There is absolutely nothing in the proposals concerning mid-term assessments. At all.

I think this developed from a proposal stating that all constituencies should have a candidate selected and in place, actively canvassing, by the mid-term point between elections. To me that is a no brainer and is how it should be anyway; you never know when an election (snap or by) will occur, and its best to be prepared. Afterall, proper preparation prevents poor performance. Additionally, having a candidate out there canvassing, even in a non-PLP constituency, is the best way to develop and grow a foothold in such a constituency, as well as ensure that citizens in that area have a good connection with the Party. This is largely a benign amendment and nothing controversial at all.

Despite there not actually being a mid-term assessment, not really at least, I actually think it is a good idea. MPs should indeed be accountable to their branch and, to a larger extent, their constituents. If the MPs are doing their job, representing the constituency and actively canvassing, there shouldn’t be a problem at all. Perhaps delegates should consider adding a more obvious right of recall system into the party constitution.

Candidate Selection Criteria

The RG article notes that under the proposed amendments that candidates for parliament will have to meet specific criteria in order to be approved as candidates (and from there going to the constituency for compete with other approved candidates for election in that constituency). The RG article gives a background of public service as an example of a criteria that would have to be met.

The proposed amendments don’t actually specify what these criteria would be. Instead they would give the Candidates Committee (see Clause 8, Section VII of the Constitution) the power to develop, amend and publish (for prospective candidates) the list of criteria for candidates to meet. The only criteria that is clearly stated refers solely to the membership level of candidates, which is understandable, to reduce certain levels of opportunism.

I am slightly uncomfortable with the idea of setting forth criteria for candidates to meet. I understand the sentiments behind it, but I wonder whether it would have a counterproductive effect, turning some prospective candidates away on a technicality of sorts. Ultimately it risks reducing the potential pool of candidates and making the candidate slate too homogenous. I would prefer it if the wording was changed to make the criteria ‘reccommended’ instead of rigid ‘must have’ as it could be interpreted as is.

Other Issues

There are many more proposed amendments than the three covered by the RG article. Most of them are commonsense housekeeping matters, although some have the potential to cause minor controversy. For the most part however the proposed amendments look set to widen the democratic base of many internal party decisions, and far from centralising power within the office of Leader actually does the opposite. Ultimately though, I don’t see anything within the proposed changes worth getting in a fuss about, and I certainly don’t see any shadowy attempts to centralise power by Dr. Brown or his supporters.

Congratulations To Mr. Santucci – New PLP Chairman

I just wanted to offer my congratulations to the new Chairman of the PLP, Mr. Anthony Santucci. Mr. Santucci takes over from Mr. David Burt who announced his intentions to resign the post earlier in the year. Mr. Santucci has held various positions in the Party prior, most recently having been elected to the Party Executive responsibly for membership, as well as the branch chair or Constituency 27 (Warwick North Central).

I have always found Mr. Santucci approachable, willing to take the time to listen and answer questions. I have no complaints about his term as Membership Secretary, where it is my impression that he has greatly modernised the membership system. I am confident that he will execute his new role as Party Chairman equally well, and I look forward to his term.

Opening Remarks of 1995 PLP Annual Delegates Conference

The document that follows is a speech given by the late Freddie Wade, then leader of the PLP, to the 1995 Annual Delegates Conference. Mr. Wade died the following year, on August 13th, 1996. This version is taken from a document that was among numerous other papers inherited by the PLP youth wing of which I made a copy. I understand that it is also found in the green memorial book “L. Frederick Wade; In Words and Pictures” but I have lent my copy of that text out at the moment and so I have been unable to confirm if they are the same speeches.

Officers, members, delegates, parliamentarians, I am honoured to give a few brief remarks at the Official Opening of this year’s conference.

The theme of this conference is Conviction, Committment and Courage.

This conference comes at the crossroads in Bermuda’s political history. It comes at a time when the Progressive Labour Party is the only nationally stable political party. It comes at a time when our opposition is undergoing major political and philosophical differences which I believe can only be resolved by rebuilding from the ground up. This rebuilding can only take place while they are out of power.

As a political leader I appreciated the difficulties that they face, as we, the PLP had our turn in the early and mid eighties. We ought to therefore understand and appreciate the position we now hold, having placed those years behind us.

We have a duty to out Party, to our country and to ourselves to fulfill the dreams of the founders of this great Party. Paramount amongst those dreams is the first PLP Government.

We are poised on the threshold of fulfilling that dream. We can see it become a reality if we each adopt the conference theme in our everyday dealings – Conviction, Committment and Courage.

We shall first of all need Conviction. We must believe in the aims, ideas and objectives of this great Party. We must develop a passion for the Party. This conviction comes after we understand the Party’s programmes, after we accept that these programmes are designed to benefit the people we represent. The people who hold us up as their leaders. The people who have sacrificed and will continue to sacrifice to see the Party succeed.

Those who see the Party as an opportunity for personal satisfaction, personal financial gain, personal political gain must reassess their values and reshape their ideas so that they develop the Conviction required not for my sake but for the good of the Party, the country and the people whom we represent.

We must examine our lives and make sure we are motivated by the right factos. All of us having developed this Conviction can then move on to the next stage which is Committment.

Having the passion is not enough if it does not translate into action. It is not enough to want to win or to dream of winning. It is more important to work together for the victory.

Being committed means we have to alter our lives to allow the Committment to manifest itself. In these times when personal matters require a great deal of our attention, we have to plan and set aside time to carry out our political duties.

At this point in our history, 140 votes from victory, we have to devote our energies to developing a Party which not only appears capable of governing but one that knows how to win. One that knows how to present itself to the public in such a way as to win the public’s confidence and vote us into office.

Members of all levels have to make the Committment. Members, from ordinary branch members, to elected and appointed officials. All of us must commit together for the good of the Party. We must bury our selfish ambitions and act for the common good.

During the last twelve months the unity in the Parliamentary Group has stood us in good stead. Our position on Independence, although controversial, through unity proved to be a good strategy. I know that there were members at all levels who disagreed with the policy. However, once we had an agreement to the policy all members chipped in to see it through, either by active particapation of silent consent.

We have shown ourselves and the country that the PLP can unite and remain so through what was a very difficuly period.

The end result is that we are now poised like never before for victory. Mr. Stanley Lowe, JP, MP, the new Deputy Speaker is now being hailed by all sides that he is capable of running the House. That he is the man for the job. His success is another example of our unity and committment standing us in good stead.

With Committment comes discipline and with discipline, good planning and execution.

However, after the plan is drawn, we must have the Courage to see it through.

We get accused of not wanting to be Government, and at times I wonder when I see the lack of Conviction and Committment. I know that we all believe in the dream but we must now have the Courage to take this country from the UBP before it is totally destroyed. We must have the Courage to know that we are Bermuda’s solution. We have the brains, the experience and skills to solve the country’s problems if given a chance.

With Courage we will take a chance at the very next opportunity whether it be in six months or a year. It is finally our turn and onle we can miss this turn through our lack of Conviction, Committment and Courage.

Bermudian Politics in Transition, Chapter Two, Excerpts

Chapter Two is mostly an analysis of the 1976 election, and shifting voting tendencies. Some highlights from it are the conclusion that:

(p.40) …the growth of PLP support comes from many sources – Blacks under 25, Blacks who previously did not vote, Blacks converted from UBP or split-ticket voting, a marginal White element who have drifted from the UBP, and young Whites voting for the first time. Data for Blacks are firm and those for Whites seem to be suggestive of what could be a dramatic change in Bermudian politics: the break-up of the White vote.

(p.40) At the same time, the PLP’s gains are exceeded by the UBP’s losses – an indication that the 1976 election was more of a defeat for the UBP than a victory for the PLP. Among those in both races who changed their voting allegiance, the major shift was the decline in UBP support. In the Black case, one third of this decline went to split-tickets. If nothing else, these findings buttress the UBP’s internal critics who contend that their Party has made costly political mistakes.

(p.40) The shift to th ePLP among Blacks who voted for the UBP or the split-tickets in the previous election invites further analysis, as it represents the strongest evidence of a real political transition.

N.B: Records a high improvement in female voters for the PLP.

I found this excerpt interesting:

(p.42-43) After the election, PLP strategists confided that they were helped considerably by the Mid-Ocean News, which reported on the basis of a pre-election poll that the UBP would return to power, that the mood of the country was unchanged, and that the distribution of Parliamentary seats would be about the same as in the previous election [MON 15/05/1976]. The PLP’s view was that the prediction not only lulled Whites to sleep, but assured Blacks that they could vote for the PLP without changing the Government. Interestingly, the BIU, organisational backbone of the PLP, predicted some weeks before the election that the Party would suffer defeat [Workers Voice, 23/04/1076].

(p.43) These items suggest something distinctive about Bermudian politics. In other countries, candidates and Parties confidently predict victory. There is also evidence that indications about who will win an election – whether from opinion polls or the publication of early returns – tends to create a ‘bandwagon’ psychology among the electorate, inclining them to support the likely winners. But in Bermuda it is the opposite, at least in terms of the PLP’s fortunes. Predictions of defeat seem to be the best way to rally a number of voters who might otherwise not support the Party.

He summed this up using a metaphor given by a Black pro-UBP PLP voter who likened the political process to a boxing match: (p.42) “You’re only as good as your competition. If I hit you and you can’t hit me back, then its no contest.”

In order to test this theory he made reference to the then future next election in polling individuals. His results were:

(p.44) …while 60% of blacks are reasonably sure of voting again for the PLP, only 50% want to see the PLP form the next government. Hence one in six Blacks who will vote for the PLP is undecided about whether he wants to see that Party win the election. This type of pattern is not found among Blacks who favour the UBP, and it is exactly reversed among Whites, whose intention to vote UBP again is 11% points lower than their desire to see the UBP retain control of government. Thus, the ‘sporting view’ of voting is confined to Black PLP supporters, as originally suspected. but its future role is problematic as the PLP gains strength and moves within striking distance of a parliamentary majority. will the desire to compete eventually instill a desire to win? Or will the prospect of winning spoil the game?

Excerpts from ‘Bdian Politics in Transition’ by Frank Manning, Ch. One

I was going through one of my old notebooks and came across some excerpts I’ld copied from the book ‘Bermudian Politics in Transition; Race, Voting and Public Opinion’ written by Professor Frank E. Manning, published in 1978. This work was written in the aftermath of the 1976 election, and is an in-depth analysis of that particular election and the political dynamics of that time.

It is an extremely difficult book to come across, being long out of print. One can occassionally find a copy at the Barn or in some of the used book stores, but they cost alot and are very rare. The Bermuda Library has one copy that you need to specially request; there is another copy in the Bermuda Archives, and I believe there is also one at the Bermuda College. I seriously reccommend anyone interested in Bermudian history, and wishing a better understanding of our past and how it relates to our present, especially in relation to social and political discourse, to try and get a copy to read.

What follows below is the excerpts that I copied out of the book that I think are of particular interest. Any errors in typing are entirely my own, and although I seem to have taken my notes rather cohesively, I advise readers to search out the book itself to get a better sense of context. I have attempted to provide some context in square brackets and bold type where I felt it necessary.

Chapter One: Bermudian Politics – A System in Transition

(p.23) In the aftermath of these events [Sir E. Richards as Premier; John swan as Paget East MP] and its second humiliating electoral defeat in 1972, the PLP was left exhausted and despairing. A few Party veterans quietly disengaged from politics to devote renewed attention to occupational careers. Others who remained active re-evaluated their views, generally coming to the conclusion that racial militancy and revolutionary socialism were, after all, unsuited to Bermuda. At the same time a group of culturally bourgeoisie professionals, mainly teachers, took enough interest in the Party to seek seats on the policy making Central Committee, while small businessmen became active on the branch level and groomed themselves as future candidates. through the growing influence of media and advertising people who introduced sophisticated public relations techniques, a new image was created. The PLP became respectable.

(p.24) Predictably, the Black Caucus [of the UBP] was viewed by many UBP Whites as a form of political extortion. They had supported UBP Blacks in two campaigns, submerging but not forgetting the realisation that a Party financed by White money, elected primarily through White votes, and representative of White political tradition, had been forced to tailor its platform to woo Black votes and to stifle the political ambitions of Whites in order to run enough black candidates to have a semblance of integration. Now Blacks not only belied the image of racial unity, but demanded further concessions as well.

(p.24) The most vocal reaction within the UBP came from Portuguese, expatriates and Whites of working class origins, groups who are the structural competition of Blacks but suffer the political liability of being White. As a rival ethnic identity was unavailable, the group instead framed their position around rightist concerns: the growing power of the Labour Unions, the rising cost of social services, the increase of crime, the breakdown of discipline in the schools and the summary theme of a drift towards socialism.

(p.24-25) As they attempted unsuccessfully in 1972, the White dissidents sought again in 1976 to increase their strength by going after Front Street incumbents in pre-election primaries. Three primary challenges were made, all of them a conservative critique against the centrist position of the Party mainstream as well as a class struggle between new and old money, between those who identified with a background of hardship and hard work and those whom they saw as unworthy heirs of power and privelege. Two of the primaries unseated incumbents, swelling the ranks and the confidence of the dissident Whites.

(p.25-26) With its position eroded [1976 electoral losses to the PLP], the UBP’s factionalism hardened. The Black Caucus report, stalled for a year and substantially diluted in Cabinet committee, had not been incorporated into campaigning policy. Moreover, UBP Blacks saw their PLP counterparts moving into lucrative client roles as the international business companies, Bermuda’s newest and best endowed patrons, began to hedge their bets on the islands’ political future. Whites outside of the aristocracy continued to press rightist positions, to vent the view that the Party hierrachy was isolating itself from the legitimate needs and grievances of Whites, and to insist that without widespread reform the UBP stood in danger of losing the next election.

(p.26-27) The ensuing struggle [following Premier Sharpe’s resignation] for succession came down to a clash between the ‘reformist’ (Black and White dissidents) and ‘establishment’ (Front Street) wings of the Party. Blacks, the most powerful group in the reformist bloc, got their choice as the reformist candidate: C. V. (Jim) Woolridge, a Black of West Indian ancestry. The establishment put up David Gibbons, a White businessman whoose family empire controls Bermuda’s largest conglomerate. The winner was Gibbons, but the vote of the parliamentary caucus was close and the mandate was clear: to integrate the Black and White reformists into a new, socially balanced coalition. His first Cabinet was a dramatic step in this direction, as he fired two Front Street aristocrats from the former Cabinet to make room for additional Blacks and Portuguese.

(p.27) In a sense, the political transition since World War Two has followed a logic of retribution. The aristocracy brought in West Indians as cheap labour, indentured Portuguese to perform Bermuda’s most menial work and to function as a buffer group between the races, accelerated White expatriate immigration as a countermeasure to universal sufferage, and excluded working class Whites from privelege while insisting that they keep separate from Blacks. Yet all these groups turned against the aristocracy when it no longer had the exclusive economic sanctions to hold them in check. Even Gibbons illustrates the retributive pattern. His Bermudian ancestry goes back only to the nineteenth century, and his father and uncle, founders of the family business empire, started from nothing and were at times crassly excluded from the sancturaries of social presitge. What Gibbons represents is the first successful challenge by an outsider against the economic hegemony of the aristocracy – the pattern that produced the diverse coalition that first became the UBP and later reformed it.

(p.27) Besides the pattern of partisan reversal and social retribution, the transitional process reveals the strategic advantages of holding a moderate position – a position that sustains the political economy of free enterprise capitalism. The UBP’s co-option of the centre elicits class dissension and left-wing radicalism from the PLP. The PLP’s cultivation of bourgeois respectability elicits racial dissension and right wing backlash from the UBP. The UBP’s reconstruction of a socially mixed but essentially conservative coalition prompts the PLP to renew its ties with Bermuda’s real ‘minority’ group – the poor and alienated from the back of town.

(p.27-28.) Thus the relative strengths of the combatants change, but the underlying structure of power persists. As long as the PLP poses a radical challenge to that structure, the solidarity and success of the UBP are assured. To fragment and weaken the UBP, the PLP must be seen as compatible with Bermuda’s dominant interests. The riots that punctuate the political process are ritualistic recognitions that the process at its deepest level does more to preserve the social order than to remodel it.

1972 PLP Election Platform

This is the third PLP election platform. Its cover also featured the torch of liberty superimposed over an image of Bermuda, and featured the 1972 ‘tag-line’ of “PLP – For a Better Deal.”

The Role of the Progressive Labour Party

In 1968, five years after its inception, the Progressive Labour Party assumed the role of Official Opposition under our new Constitution.

The record will show that we have stood for a better deal for Bermudians. Legislation and government polict recieved critical analysis never before experienced in our history. As a result of our efforts, particularly during the budget debates, the people were given an oppurtunity to examine every facet of government activity. We have shown that there are not only alternative, but better policies to be pursued in the interest of Bermudians.

The following pages set out in broad outline those changes which we believe are desired by the people and which we would implement, if given the oppurtunity to do so by you, the voter.

WE LAY SOME STRESS ON RECONSTITUTED VESTRIES WHICH WE BELIEVE WILL GIVER EVERY VOTER AN OPPURTUNITY TO PARTICIPATE DIRECTLY IN THE AFFAIRS OF THE ISLAND.

WE ATTACH IMPORTANCE ALSO TO ANATIONAL PLAN (TO INCLUDE A NATIONAL TRAINING SCHEME) WHICH WOULD LAY DOWN GUIDELINES FOR ECONOMIC PROGRESS OVER THE NEXT FIVE YEARS, BRINGING AN END TO INFLATION, AND IMPROVINF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS GENERALLY.

The progressive Labour Party is confident that this programme gives consideration to all Bermudians, and offers initiative to everyone. It will hasten action required to deal with the ACUTE HOUSING SHORTAGE whcih we believe aggravates community tensions.

PROVISIONS FOR BETTER LIVING:

During the past several years we have seen a steady spiralling of prices, a series of strikes and lockouts. This high rate of inflation and economic unrest, has resulted in tremendous pressures – economic, social and otherwise – being brought to bear on each and every Bermudian.

WE WILL ENSURE THAT BERMUDIANS WHO ARE WITHOUT SKILLS ARE TRAINED; AND THOSE WHO HAVE ABILITIES AND TALENT WILL HAVE PROPER PAYING JOBS CONTINOUSLY PROVIDED AS A RESULT OF A BALANCE BETWEEN ECONOMIC EXPANSION AND THE COUNTRY’S NATURAL RESOURCES.

TOURISM:

Tourism will be one of the most important areas of responsibility facing our government.

In addition to encouraging a steadily rising income from the tourist for Bermuda generally and increased occupancy in the winter season, THE PLP WILL TAKE SPECIFIC STEPS TO ENCOURAGE THE BERMUDA INVESTOR TO PARTICIPATE DIRECTLY IN THE TOURIST INDUSTRY.

LAND USE:

Steps will be taken to induce householders to take the greatest interest in horticulture so that we may preserve our natural beauty.

Every form of encouragement and support will be given to persons already engaged in various forms of agricultural production, for example, the growing of citrus on an even wider basis.

FISHING:

We will investigate the possibility of introducing fishing on a mass basis through the development of a modern ocean going fleet, with attendant land based facilities.

Small fishermen will be assisted in modernising their crafts, their fishing methods, and marketing techniques. Channel dredging and marking will be extended.

Restricted fishing areas will be reviewed from time to time and updated. Manpower needs will be investigated.

HOUSING:

A department of housing will be created, and all matters dealing with housing will be actively dealt with by this department.

The PLP recognises the importance of preserving government owned houses and feels that useful improvements can be made to the former Crown Lands. Improvements to the environment in these areas will also be made.

The PLP will, where possible, offer for sale certain areas of Government owned property.

The PLP will take immediate action to ensure a satisfactory disposition of the Glebe Land.

We will encourage home building in the private sector by providing government supported mortgages.

IMMIGRATION, LABOUR & TRAINING:

The PLPwill repeal those areas of legislation now imposed on trade unions which contravene international conventions. We will further resist all efforts to introduce legislation that will curb the freedom of the trade unions.

THE DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR WILL WORK CLOSELY WITH THE DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION AND ALL REGISTERED TRADE UNIONS TO ENSURE PROPER TRAINING AT ALL LEVELS OF EMPLOYMENT FOR ALL PERSONS ENTERING THE LABOUR FORCE.

A PLP Government recognises the special importance of providing jobs for some five hundred to one thousand school leavers annually. Therefore a National Training Agency responsible to the Department of Labour will be established.

TRANSPORT:

Both land and water transport will be coordinated with traffic from the Civil Air Terminal and Ports. We believe that the development programme for ports facilities should be controlled centrally.

PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION MUST BE REORGANISED TO PROVIDE INEXPENSIVE BUS SERVICE AND THUS LEAD THE WAY TO A REDUCTION IN THE NUMBER OF PRIVATE CARS ON OUR ROADS.

Greater development of car parking facilities must take place.

Free bus transportation for senior citizens and a phased programme moving towards free transportation for school children will be introduced.

A more efficient system of car registration will be implemented.

FINANCE:

Tax reforms will be a major objective of a PLP Government. BERMUDA’S PRESENT REGRESSIVE SYSTEM OF TAXES MUST BE RESTRUCTURED. Customs duties, land taxes and licensing fees will no longer form the main base of government revenue.

The Department of Finance will be responsible for determining monetary and fiscal policies for the purpose of maintaining a stable economy.

We will set up a wages and price commission.

The role of the monetary authority will be reorganised to play a more active part in the economy.

Exempted companies will be developed with a view to diversifying the economy.

The European Economic community and its effect on Bermuda will be investigated in depth and necessary reforms relative to Foreign Exchange will be implemented where necessary.

Social Reforms

EDUCATION:

THE PROGRESSIVE LABOUR PARTY WILL PUT INTO EFFECT A FULLY COMPREHENSIVE SYSTEM OF EDUCATION SO THAT EVERY CHILD WILL BE GIVEN EQUAL EDUCATIONAL OPPURTUNITY.

We will give careful consideration to school syllabuses along with the size and enrolment of each school.

The implementation of all education programmes must be done with the full cooperation of parents and teachers.

Private schools will be required to fulfill the minimum syllabuses drawn up by the Currriculum Development Council.

All students who gain acceptance to a university abroad will be eleigible for government scholarships.

Adult education classes will be organised by the Department of Education offering the widest possible range of subjects to persons wishing to widen their horizons.

The PLP will investigate the possibility of setting up a teacher training colllege and/or other institutions of higher learning.

YOUTH – OUR GREATEST RESOURCE: THE SOUND DEVELOPMENT OF OUR YOUTH WILL BE GIVEN FIRST PRIORITY IN PLP POLICIES.

Provisions must be made for adequate youth employment and guidance service.

Recreational and leisure time facilities must be provided for all ages, but especially for the young.

To ensure a well rounded individual encouragement must be given to participation in international conferences as well as cultural and educational exchanges.

A sports programme will be embarked upon which not only looks good on paper, but is successful in its practical application. Such a programme will include facilities for training in our national sports, together with swimming and will be financed by government.

HEALTH & SOCIAL SERVICES:

A restricted comprehensive social insurance programme will be instituted covering health, injury benefits, unemployment, old age and family assistance.

Additional resources will be used for the development of rehabilitation centres, welfare homes and health centers.

THE PLP WILL SET UP A COMISSION TO INVESTIGATE THE NON-MEDICAL USE OF DRUGS.

The penal system will be restructured with emphasis on rehabilitation.

The training of inmates will be introduced together with more normal work programmes.

Political Reforms

The Progressive Labour Party remains dedicated to a revision of our constitutional framework which will prepare the way for a more democratic system of government, and ultimately independence.

We shall call for a Constitutional Conference so that we can examine with the British Government what arrangements can be made for Bermuda to move towards a responsible government.

WE SHALL DEMAND CONSTITUTION WHICH PROVIDES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF BERMUDIANS TO THE FULLEST.

REFORMS WOULD INCLUDE:

The requirement of legislative approval for all monies spent from the public treasury.

Vesting all authority of the elected body in all financial matters.

Equal numbers of voters in each electoral district.

The authority of the elected government over the civil service.

A reduction of the voting age to eighteen years.

Automatic registration of all those who are eligible to do so.

RECONSTRUCTED VESTRIES BASED UPON THE SAME ELECTORAL ROLL AS THAT USED IN THE GENERAL ELECTION.

THEY WOULD HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY OF INITIATING, ADVISING AND OVERSEEING PROJECTS THAT WOULD ENSURE THE BALANCED DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD WITHIN THE PARISH.

IN ORDER TO CATER TO THE FULL DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDIVIDUAL MAN, THERE MUST BE AVAILABLE TO HIM A PROPER LAYOUT OF ROADS AND HOUSES ALOONG WITH ADEQUATE PROVISIONS FOR CULTURAL AND RECREATIONAL TO OCCUPY LEISURE HOURS.

IN PARTICUALR THE VESTRY WOULD, WITH PARENT-TEACHER ASSOCIATIONS, BE IN A POSITION TO SUPPORT EXTRA-CURRICULAR SCHOOL ACTIVITIES AND MAKE USE OF THE SCHOOL PLANT FOR ADULT EDUCATION CLASSES AND CULTURAL ACTIVITIES.

1968 PLP Election Platform

This is the second ever Progressive Labour Party platform. Of interest on the cover is the PLP acronym being expanded to ‘Progress, Labour, Prosperity,’ and the torch of liberty (akin to the olymplic torch, a common symbolism of the left, descended from the legendary gift of fire to mankind from Prometheus, enlightenment) superimposed over a map of Bermuda.

It is important when reading this platform to recall that the year 1968 was the year of the ‘Springtime of the Peoples’ with revolutionary movements in France, Czechoslovakia and the USA in particular.

A New Era for Bermuda

The year 1963 saw the formation of the Bermuda Progressive Labour Party, and thus began a new era for Bermuda which resulted in all aspects of life in this country being subjected to constant examination and close scrutiny by representatives of the working people.

Contained in the following pages is the Progressive Labour Party’s programme outlining how a PLP cabinet will go about solving the problems which confront the country.

The programme deals with social measures such as housing and education; problems which must be resolved so that our people can live to the fullest and so that Bermuda’s most vital resource, its people, can be developed.

We have reiterated our promise to change our Constitution, so as to bring Bermuda into the Twentieth Century with a government based on the will of the people and which is responsible to Bermudians.

We have outlined our plans for the economy. We are determined to raise the living standards of the community by ensuring investment in technology and training. The worker’s share of increased income must be guarded against rising prices and regressive systems of taxation. The Progressive Labour Party is pledged to further economic security by promoting more diversification in our economic activity.

THE PROGRESSIVE LABOUR PARTY PLATFORM

The Platform of the PLP deals with the following major areas – social, economic and political – of the life of Bermuda:

Constitution
Education
Health
Social Security
Immigration
Labour
Equality of the Sexes
Economic Planning
Tourism
Fishing
Agriculture
New Industries
Housing
Transportation
Public Works
Taxation
Monetary and Fiscal Control
Price Control

CONSTITUTION

Rejecting the UBP constitution, the Progressive Labour Party is dedicated to a revision of our constitutional framework which will prepare the way for a completely democratic system of government.

THE PEOPLE MUST BE THE FINAL AUTHORITY IN ALL MATTERS AFFECTING PUBLIC LIFE.

No government can be either responsible or democratic while under the rule of another country. Colonialism is a cancer which must be removed from the tissue of human affairs. Therefore we shall return to London to examine with the British Government what arrangements can be made for our independence.

We shall demand a Constitution which provides for:

– The authority of the elected government over the civil service.

– Legislative approval for all monies spent from the public treasury.

– The ultimate authority of the elected body in financial matters.

– Equal numbers of voters in each electoral district, as nearly as possible.

– Automatic registration of all Bermudians who are eligible to vote.

– Vestry and corporation elections to be based on the same voters lists as the General Election.

The country shall be administered by a cabinet of ministers who shall be collectively responsible to the legislature.

Ministries shall be responsible for Education and Social Welfare, Economic Development, Agriculture and Fisheries, Immigration and Labour, Finance, Home Affairs, Public Works and Utilities, Transportation, Health and Social Security.

Social Measures

EDUCATION:

The Progressive Labour Party will legislate and put into effect a fully comprehensive system of education, so that every child will be given EQUAL oppurtunity.

THE PROGRESSIVE LABOUR PARTY WILL ESTABLISH COMPREHENSIVE SCHOOLS THROUGHOUT THE ISLAND.

Such schools will offer subjects in the trades, arts, catering, sciences, management and commercial subjects. THIS WILL ENSURE THE FULLEST DEVELOPMENT OF EVERY BOY AND GIRL.

To ensure the maximum effectiveness of comprehensive schools, we will create a CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL to undertake the drawing up of minimum syllabuses for each subject at each level of education.

We will initiate CONSTRUCTIVE supervision of teachers to ensure their GREATEST EFFECTIVENESS.

The PLP will require private schools to fulfill the minimum syllabuses drawn up by the Curriculum Development Council, and they will be subject to the same regulations and supervision as government schools.

ALL STUDENTS WHO GAIN ACCEPTANCE TO A UNIVERSITY ABROAD WILL BE ELIGIBLE FOR GOVERNMENT SCHOLARSHIPS as long as Bermuda does not have institutions of higher learning.

THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION WILL ORGANISE FREE NURSERY SCHOOLS.

ADULT EDUCATION CLASSES will be organised by th eMinistry of Education ensuring the widest possible range of subjects to persons wishing to widen their horizons.

The PLP will investigate the possibility of establishing institutions of higher learning in Bermuda; for example, teacher training institutions.

An Arts Council will be established to encourage all forms of art from which ALL SECTIONS OF THE COMMUNITY will derive cultural and educational benefits.

HEALTH AND SOCIAL INSURANCE:

A government administered comprehensive social insurance program will be instituted covering health insurance, injury benefits, unemployment insurance, old age pensions and faimly assistance.

IMMIGRATION AND LABOUR:

The Progressive Labour PArty will remove those areas of legislation now imposed on trade unions which contravenes international conventions.

The Ministry of Labour will work closely with the Ministry of Education to ensure proper training for all persons at all levels of employment entering the labour force, and retraining for persons declared redundant in any particular field.

There will be a minimum standard of qualifications for all trades.

WE SHALL GIVE PRIORITY TO BERMUDIAN LABOUR AND CURB THE FUTURE IMPORTATION OF ALL UNNECCESSARY FOREIGN LABOUR.

EQUALITY OF THE SEXES:

We shall remove all inequalities based on differences of sex, such as the rule of inheritance by which males inherit land to the exclusion of all others upon death without a will, and the discrimination in the granting of status to husbands of Bermudian women.

The Economy

In implementing our policy to guaruntee a high standard of living for all, our first step will be the setting up of a DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL PLANNING WHICH WILL PROVIDE INFORMATION ON ALL PHASES OF BERMUDA’S ECONOMY from which the government can build sound economic policy.

ECONOMIC PLANNING:

The Progressive Labour Party will pursue a NATIONAL PLAN which will ensure orderly economic development, taking into account the existing and future use of land, and having regard to the needs of our growing population.

TOURISM:

Our Department of Trade and Tourism will seek an increase in the number of visitors, and ensure an EVEN FLOW of visitors by encouraging international conferences, business conventions and cultural activities during the winter season.

Steps will be taken to prevent the possibility of exploiting tourists by unscrupulous local travel agents through the establishment of a code of ethics to which all travel agents must adhere.

FISHING:

We will investigate the possibility of placing fishing on a mass production basis through the development of a modern ocean going fleet.

SMALL FISHERMEN WILL BE ASSISTED IN MODERNISING THEIR CRAFT. All channels will be marked and dredged where necessary.

AGRICULTURE:

THERE WILL BE STRICT ENFORCEMENT OF REGULATION GOVERNING THE USE OF ARABLE LAND.

Every form of encouragement and support will be given to persons already engaged in production. In addition, government will provide assistance to home-owners in landscaping, so as to ensure the preservation of Bermuda’s natural beauty.

NEW INDUSTRIES:

We will encourage the setting up of new industries, with particular emphasis on Ireland Island and St. Georges, so that we may provide DIVERSIFICATION in our economy and new jobs for Bermudians. An integral part of the development of St. Georges must be the construction of a road through Ferry Reach to provide easy transport.

RESEARCH INTO THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE SEA WILL BE CARRIED OUT.

Boat works and repairs should be further developed, catering to storage and maintenance of foreign craft.

HOUSING:

The Progressive Labour Party will introduce a HOUSING PROGRAMME WHICH WILL ENSURE THE SOCIAL WELL BEING OF EVERY FAMILY IN BERMUDA. The Ministry of Housing will have three plans to promote this objective.

1) Government owned housing projects which are maintained at the highest standards and made available to working class families for a reasonable rental fee. The Crown Lands will be incorporated into this scheme.

2) Government built housing which will be sold at cost to families wishing to purchase their own homes.

3) Government sponsored amortised mortgage plans for persons wishing to build their own homes.

The urgency of the housing situation in the congested areas is such that the PLP will set up a special department to deal with the complete REDEVELOPMENT OF ALL SUCH AREAS.

TRANSPORTATION:

In a country as small as Bermuda, transportation is a major problem requiring careful planning.

THERE WILL BE A RECLASSIFICATION OF ROADS SO THAT THE CONSTRUCTION AND MAINTENANCE OF RIGHT-OF-WAYS BECOMES THE RESPONSIBILITY OF GOVERNMENT, SO THAT ALL FAMILIES WILL HAVE EASY ACCESS TO THEIR HOMES.

The PLP proposes the complete coordination of land and sea movement by the construction of roads so that more encouragement is given to the USE OF THE WATER FOR TRANSPORT.

Government departments responsible for the Civil Airport and particularly the Ports Authority will coordinate international traffic with the internal movements of people and merchandise.

The old railway right-of-way will be maintained as an integral part of the transport system.

The bus service should be made more convenient and cheaper. More bus shelters will be built. Free transportation for children travelling to and from school will be investigated.

PUBLIC WORKS:

Under the Ministry of Public Works there will be a department responsible for all government purchasing.

The Progressive Labour PArty will further undertake a PHASED PROGRAMME OF LAND RECLAMATION, so that reclaimed land will become available for development in line with the requirements of the National Plan.

Utility companies will be required to contract with Public Works the laying of cables and pipe lines, so that the best maintenance of roads can be assured.

FINANCE:

Along with education and housing, tax reform will be a major objective of a PLP government. Bermuda’s PRESENT REGRESSIVE SYSTEM OF TAXATION MUST BE COMPLETELY REPLACED BY FORMS OF TAXATION BASED ON THE ABILITY OF AN INDIVIDUAL TO PAY. Import duties, licensing fees and occupancy taxes will no longer form the basis of the government’s sources of revenue.

The Ministry of Finance will be responsible for determining monetary and fiscal policies for the purpose of maintaining a robust economy.

We will initiate legislation for the PROTECTION OF THE INDIVDUAL FROM EXPLOITATION BY UNSCRUPULOUS FIRMS PURPORTING TO GIVE EASY CREDIT.

The Progressive Labour Party will establish price controls for utilities and essential commodities.